Monday, 19 March 2012

Police set to quiz Gaddafi ‘executioner’ on Lockerbie

[This is the headline over a report (behind the paywall) in today’s edition of The Times. It reads in part:]

Detectives investigating the Lockerbie bombing indicated yesterday that they want to question the former Libyan intelligence chief arrested at the weekend in Mauritania.

Abdullah al-Senussi, who served for more than 30 years as Colonel Gaddafi’s right-hand man, has long been suspected of masterminding the destruction of Pan Am Flight 103. He was detained at the airport in the capital, Nouakchott, while travelling on a fake Malian passport from Casablanca and was with a man believed to be his son. Prosecutors believe al-Senussi could be key to unlocking the truth behind the terrorist outrage, which killed 270 people in December 1988.

The Crown Office in Edinburgh said: “The investigation into the involvement of others with [Abdel Baset Ali] al-Megrahi in the Lockerbie bombing remains open and the Crown will work with Dumfries and Galloway Constabulary and US authorities to pursue available lines of inquiry.”

Al-Senussi is Gadaffi’s brother-in-law and was his most senior spy chief and is thought to have been privy to the regime’s darkest secrets. He is said to have chaired a key meeting in 1988 which ultimately led to the downing of Pan Am 103. He is also said to have recruited al-Megrahi, the Libyan intelligence officer convicted of the Lockerbie attack in 2001 but released by the Scottish government on compassionate grounds in 2009. (…)

Al-Senussi belongs to Libya’s Magarha tribe. Al-Megrahi, released because he was suffering from terminal prostate cancer and was said to have had only around three months to live, belongs to the same tribe.

[One suspects that the Scottish detectives, if ever allowed access to Senussi, will get precisely as much information about Lockerbie as they got from Moussa Koussa.]

Lockerbie: Crown owes explanation

[This is the headline over a report in today's edition of The Herald.  It reads in part:]


The Crown Office owes the country an explanation for its handling of the Lockerbie bombing, former MP Tam Dalyell has claimed.

Mr Dalyell, who believes that Abdelbaset Ali Mohmed al Megrahi is innocent of the atrocity, said the Crown had "misbehaved" during the prosecution and that the trial judges "seemingly were deceived".
The veteran politician and former Father of the House of Commons has been a prominent figure in attempts to uncover the truth about the bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 in which 270 people were killed.
Mr Dalyell, taking part in the Glasgow's Aye Write! literary festival, said during several of his 16 adjournment debates in the House of Commons, he raised the questions contained in a report by the Scottish Criminal Cases Review Commission (SCCRC) and revealed in The Herald last week.
He said: "The Crown Office have been really culpable in my opinion in that they misbehaved, and misbehaved in relation to the judges.
"I realise that the judges find it difficult to go back on previous cases but in these exceptional circumstances, I really wonder what Lord Coulsfield [one of the trial judges], is thinking because the judges seemingly were deceived."
Mr Dalyell, who has previously said that he was "mystified" at how the judges could have arrived at a verdict other than not guilty or not proven, added: "I am quite prepared to concede that the judges didn't know all the evidence at the time, but the Crown Office did. And the Crown office really do owe the rest of the country an explanation."
He said that after John Major left Downing Street, the former Prime Minister told him he had spent an hour after an adjournment debate questioning officials on whether "Tam Dalyell could be right" in his concerns about the Lockerbie trial.
At the Aye Write! festival Mr Dalyell was asked about Holyrood's handling of the return to Libya of Megrahi and he said he believed the dying, convicted bomber was released because the Scottish Government "knew he was innocent".
Mr Dalyell's latest book, The Importance of Being Awkward, an autobiography, includes details of his hard-fought Lockerbie campaign.
Meanwhile, it has been reported that the former FBI officer who oversaw the Lockerbie investigation has claimed that the SCCRC did not consult anyone from the Bureau when it was compiling its report.
[If the SCCRC consulted the lead investigators – the Scottish police – and had access to the records of the investigation, why should it be expected to consult all the other national police forces working in the lead investigators’ team? Are Messrs Revell and Marquise suggesting that the FBI had incriminating material that it did not share with the rest of the team?] 

Sunday, 18 March 2012

See them squirming!

[Today's edition of Scotland on Sunday contains a report headlined Megrahi probe 'failed to speak to FBI agents'. It reads in part:]
The former FBI officer who oversaw the Lockerbie investigation has criticised the Scottish legal body that cast doubt on the conviction of Libyan Abdelbaset Ali Mohmed al-Megrahi.
Oliver “Buck” Revell, the former associate deputy director of investigations for the Federal Bureau of Investigations, has reacted angrily to the examination into the case by the Scottish Criminal Cases Review Commission (SCCRC).
In an e-mail seen by Scotland on Sunday, Revell expressed frustration that no-one from the FBI was consulted by the SCCRC when it compiled its report into the safety of Megrahi’s conviction.
The controversy surrounding the Lockerbie trial re-ignited following the publication of John Ashton’s book Megrahi: You Are My Jury, in which the convicted bomber – now back in Libya after being released on compassionate grounds as he is suffering from terminal cancer – proclaims his innocence.
The furore increased when extracts of the SCCRC’s report were leaked last week.
Excerpts from the confidential SCCRC Statement of Reasons document, which gave Megrahi, 59, grounds for appeal, identified six different areas that could have constituted a miscarriage of justice.
Publicity surrounding the document has angered investigators who headed up the US arm of the inquiry into the killing of 270 people when Pan Am Flight 103 exploded over Lockerbie in December 1988.
In his e-mail to government and legal officials in Scotland and the US, Revell complained that the SCCRC failed to interview members of the FBI for its Statement of Reasons. The e-mail pointed out that the original Lockerbie investigation was carried out by Scottish police, Scotland Yard, the German BKA and the FBI.
Revell added: “I don’t know what the SCCRC expects to determine when it is not even interviewing the actual investigators involved in solving this terrible crime.”
The SCCRC document is said to have concentrated on Tony Gauci, the Maltese shopkeeper who testified that Megrahi bought clothes from his shop which were later found in the suitcase carrying the bomb.
The SCCRC also focused on “undisclosed evidence”, including a police statement that showed Gauci had been handed a magazine with a photograph of Megrahi weeks before he singled him out in an identity parade.
Also identified by the SCCRC was undisclosed evidence about Gauci’s interest in rewards. The SCCRC discovered three police documents that indicated that, before first picking out Megrahi from a photo line-up in 1991, Gauci was aware a substantial reward was on offer from the US government.
Ashton’s book claimed that a Scottish policeman’s diary entry recorded an FBI agent saying that he had the authority to arrange “unlimited money” for Gauci. The Commission was unable to establish whether the FBI had actually made an offer.
One of Revell’s senior colleagues Richard Marquise, the FBI agent, who led the Lockerbie investigation on the ground, said that as far as he was aware no money had changed hands.
Speaking to Scotland on Sunday, Marquise said: “On the issue of witnesses being paid, no witness [was paid] to my knowledge. What some police officer or FBI agent might have told somebody in the corner in a dark room in the middle night that I don’t know about, I can’t vouch for that. But everybody that worked for me were under orders that they were not allowed to tell people that they could get money for this case. So, as far as I know, nobody was promised or paid money to testify.” [RB: Wow! Contrast with this and this (at pages 148 to 170).]
Revell’s disappointment at the FBI’s lack of involvement was shared by Marquise.
He said: “I don’t know if you can say you have done a comprehensive report unless you speak to key people.
“To me it is an incomplete report whatever they are going to publish.
“They never did speak to the people who might be able to shed some light on whatever it is that they were looking to find out.
“If you are going to say you have done a complete investigation, you should talk to everybody who was key, and I like to think people in the FBI were key. I like to think some people in the CIA were key and they could and should have been interviewed.”


[An editorial in today's edition of the Sunday Herald reads as follows:]

The arrest yesterday of Libya's former spy chief Abdullah al-Senussi could at last shed some much-needed light on the Lockerbie atrocity. [RB: The paper's news report can be read here.]

Ifanyoneknowsthedetails of Libya's involvement – or non-involvement – in that terrible mass murder, it is Senussi.
As our sister paper The Herald made clear in reports last week, there remain serious doubts over the guilty verdict delivered on Abdelbaset Mohmed Ali al-Megrahi.
The Scottish Criminal Cases Review Commission has suggested that, among other flaws in the court case, evidence important to the defence was kept from Megrahi's lawyers.
There are doubts too over the circumstances surrounding Megrahi's eventual release on compassionate grounds to allow him to return home ''to die''.
We have heard suspicions that Westminster politicians were acting behind the scenes to encourage the release. And there has been a strenuously denied claim that Holyrood Justice secretary Kenny MacAskill had suggested Megrahi's chances of release would be greatly boosted if he were to drop his appeal.
It is unfortunate, to say the least, that the appeal was dropped. The best place to test Megrahi's conviction would have been in court. For reasons that remain unclear, the appeal looks unlikely to be revived.
The vacuum around the case has acted as a breeding ground for countless conspiracy theories.
If Senussi holds the key to unlocking some of the Lockerbie mysteries, we need to discover what he knows.

Saturday, 17 March 2012

John Ashton in New Statesman

This week's edition of the New Statesman contains on page 14 an article by Megrahi: You are my Jury author John Ashton. The blurb on the magazine's website reads: "John Ashton writes that the failure to solve the Lockerbie bombing has become, now more than ever, a gross embarrassment for the Scottish National Party."


It is not, of course, the failure to solve the Lockerbie bombing that has become a gross embarrassment for the SNP government, but the failure to institute an inquiry into what so manifestly went wrong in the investigation, prosecution and adjudication of the case against Abdelbaset Megrahi. Solving the Lockerbie bombing may be outwith the powers and capability of the Scottish Government; but putting right an outrageous injustice presided over by the Crown Office, and taking meaningful steps to ensure that it can never happen again, are indisputably within its powers.  What is lacking is the will (and the courage).

London's Heathrow, not Malta's Luqa

[What follows is an excerpt from Dr Morag Kerr’s Scottish Review article An overview of the Lockerbie case.  In it she sets out evidence for ingestion of the fatal suitcase at Heathrow and not, as the Crown claimed and the Zeist court accepted, Luqa Airport in Malta:]


Although Maid of the Seas was loaded from empty at Heathrow, a press release issued on 30th December 1988 announced that the bomb had almost certainly not been introduced there, apparently because the location of the explosion had been traced to the baggage container holding the Frankfurt luggage. However, that container already held a number of suitcases before the Frankfurt items were added, and had been unattended in Terminal 3 for some time during the afternoon.

Baggage-handler JohnBedford was interviewed on 3rd January 1989, and told a strange story. He had left the container with a few suitcases already inside while he took a tea break. When he returned (this was still an hour before the feeder flight landed), he noticed two more cases had been added. He described the left-hand one, which was only a few inches from the position of the explosion, as 'a maroony-brown hardshell, the kind Samsonite make'. It was not until several weeks later that forensic analysis identified the bomb suitcase as a Samsonite hardshell in 'antique copper', variously described by investigators as brown, bronze, maroon and even burgundy. It was known that security at Heathrow was very lax, with many airside passes unaccounted-for. However, there is no evidence the police seriously investigated the possibility that the suitcase Bedford saw was the bomb-bag.

Reasons why this suitcase was not the bomb varied during the inquiry.

Originally (at the 1991 fatal accident inquiry) it was assumed absolutely that the case could not have been moved at all, thus as the explosion had occurred a few inches outside its last recorded position, it was innocent. Later (at Camp Zeist) this was reversed, and a suitcase from Frankfurt was placed in the position the Bedford case had originally occupied. One might think this obviously allowed for the possibility, even probability, that the Bedford case, replaced on top of this Frankfurt item, was indeed the bomb. Especially as no innocent suitcase recovered on the ground was ever matched to the one Bedford described. Nevertheless the prosecution insisted that the tenuous trail of the Frankfurt baggage printout was the one to follow, rather than the only brown Samsonite suitcase actually seen by any witness.

It was only after Megrahi had been convicted that another witness came forward to testify that there had been a break-in into that very area of the Heathrow airside, the night before the disaster. This had been reported at the time, but not acted on. Clearly, this could have been the way the suitcase was taken airside, to allow the terrorist to enter the next day, apparently empty-handed. It was not until 2007 that it was realised that one witness whose evidence had been crucial both at the FAI and the civil actions against Pan Am in the USA in the early 1990s had not been called at Camp Zeist. DC Derek Henderson had conducted reconciliations on the baggage carried by passengers on PA103, and concluded that none of them had checked in a brown-ish Samsonite. This was considered crucial in proving that the bomb had not been planted in a passenger's luggage. However, it also proved that the suitcase Bedford saw was not legitimate passenger baggage. Lacking his evidence, the Zeist judges were able to decide that Bedford's case belonged to a passenger, and had simply vanished over Lockerbie.

Friday, 16 March 2012

Megrahi evidence "fails to stand up to serious scrutiny"

[Here is an excerpt from Dr Morag Kerr’s Scottish Review article An overview of the Lockerbie case in which the evidence against Abdelbaset Megrahi is set out and demolished:]

Evidence against Megrahi fell under a number of headings. 

1. A member of the Libyan security services who had turned CIA informer identified him as a senior security operative. 
2. Tony Gauci identified him as 'resembling' the man who bought the clothes in his shop. 
3. He was shown to have been at Luqa airport at the time KM180 departed, travelling on a false passport. 
4. Baggage transfer records at Frankfurt showed evidence of an item of luggage being transferred from KM180 to PA103A, even though no passenger from the Malta flight was booked on the Heathrow flight, and all the passengers collected their luggage at their destinations with nothing going astray.
5. A small piece of printed circuit board found embedded in a scrap of the Maltese clothes was identified as a part of a countdown timer made by a Swiss firm which Megrahi had had business dealings with. This timer was part of a special order of only 20 items supplied exclusively to Libya.

The difficulty with this is firstly that each of these points fails to stand up to serious scrutiny, and secondly that far more robust evidence exists for both a different modus operandi and a different set of perpetrators.

     1. Membership of the Libyan security services
The CIA informant, Majid Giaka, was originally the Crown's star witness. Without his evidence, the indictments against Megrahi and his colleague Lamin Fhimah (who was acquitted) could not have been issued in the first place. However, CIA cables revealed during the trial exposed Giaka as a fantasist who was inventing 'intelligence' for favours and money from the CIA. The judges discounted all his evidence except for his statement that Megrahi was a member of the Libyan security forces. No other evidence for this was produced, and Megrahi has consistently denied the allegation. No evidence has ever emerged linking Megrahi to any other terrorist atrocities or human rights abuses of the Gaddafi regime, or to refute his claim that he was merely an airline employee who was also moonlighting as an entrepreneur businessman.

     2. The identification evidence
Tony Gauci was first interviewed about the clothes sale on 1st September 1989, nine months after the event. He described the purchaser as Libyan, aged about 50, over six feet tall, heavily built and dark-skinned. Megrahi is 5 feet 8 inches tall, light-skinned, of medium build, and was 36 at the time of the purchase. A photofit and an artist’s impression produced at the time suggest the man may have been negro or mixed race. Gauci was unsure of the date, but this was narrowed down to either 23rd November or 7th December 1988 on the basis of televised football games. Gauci stated that the Christmas lights were not yet lit, and it was raining when the customer left the shop.

On 15th February 1991 (well over two years after the purchase) Gauci was shown a police photospread including a picture of Megrahi. He initially rejected all the men as being 'too young', but when urged to reconsider he chose Megrahi's picture as the one that looked most like the customer. However, all the policemen present knew which picture was the suspect's, a recognised confounder in such exercises and something now banned, and Megrahi's picture was appreciably different from the others in both size and quality. As a further confounder the passport photo reproduction used was such a poor likeness of Megrahi as to be essentially unrecognisable. It did, however, look a bit like the photofit Gauci had produced in 1989.

By the time of the live identity parade in April 1999, better likenesses identifying Megrahi as the 'Lockerbie bomber' had appeared in many publications, which Gauci is known to have seen. (So widespread had been the publicity that most people following the case could probably have picked the accused out without ever having met him.) Megrahi was by then 47, close to the age the purchaser was said to be in 1988. The 'foils' in the parade were nearly all much younger (and bore little resemblance to Megrahi), even though by Gauci's original estimate the purchaser would by then have been in his early sixties. Megrahi in the flesh looked nothing like the images Gauci had produced for the police in 1989, or the blurry passport photo he picked out in 1991. Nevertheless, Gauci once again fingered him as 'resembling' the purchaser.

The date of the purchase was important, as Megrahi was in Malta on 7th December 1988 (using his own passport), but not on 23rd November. Meteorological evidence demonstrated that there was light rain in Sliema at the relevant time on 23rd November, but not on 7th December. The Christmas lights were eventually found to have been switched on on 6th December.

In late 1998 a magazine article was published with a recognisable photograph of Megrahi, together with a list of all the discrepancies between Gauci's original description of the purchaser and date, and the case against Megrahi. Gauci had a copy which was only taken from him four days before the identity parade. When he gave evidence, he consistently back-tracked on his original statements regarding height, build, age, Christmas lights and rain, always to favour the prosecution case. Tony Gauci's brother Paul, who was later rewarded for 'maintaining the resolve of his brother', had long expressed interest in a reward for the family's input, and after Megrahi was convicted the brothers were paid an alleged $3 million by the US Department of Justice's 'Rewards for Justice' programme.

     3. Presence at Luqa airport
Megrahi was at Luqa airport on the morning of the disaster, using a passport in the name of 'Abdusamad'. However, all he did was catch his flight for Tripoli, without going airside, and without checking in any hold luggage. The court accepted that he could not have got the bomb suitcase on to KM180 himself, and must have had an accomplice. That accomplice was originally said to have been Lamin Fhimah, but Fhimah could not even be shown to have been at the airport that morning. The 'false' passport was a legal one, issued to Megrahi to allow him to conceal his airline employment while negotiating business deals to circumvent the sanctions then in force against Libya, and which he occasionally used for personal travel. Although Megrahi used it for that trip, he had business meetings in Malta using his own name, and stayed at a hotel where he was well known. 

Not only was no other accomplice identified, security at Luqa airport was unusually tight in 1988, and baggage records provided strong evidence that there was no unaccompanied luggage on flight KM180. Despite intensive and intrusive investigation lasting many months, no plausible mechanism whereby the bomb suitcase could have been loaded was ever identified, and no trace of the bomb was found on the island.

     4. Baggage transfer at Frankfurt
The only evidence for an unaccompanied suitcase coming from Malta was a single line of code in a printout taken from the Frankfurt airport automated baggage system, which surfaced in August 1989. However, that system was far from transparent, and a number of guesses and assumptions were necessary to conclude that something might have been transferred from KM180 to PA103A. In the end, two items apparently loaded on to the Heathrow flight could not be identified, one seeming to have come from Malta and one from Warsaw. The coincidence of the Maltese clothes caused the investigators to become convinced the former item was the bomb, and this was never reconsidered despite the failure to find any way the bomb could have been put on board at Luqa. The Warsaw-origin item was never investigated.

     5. The timer fragment
This is the most notorious item in the Lockerbie case. Originally the investigators believed the bomb to have been triggered by an altimeter device, operating on air pressure, and designed not to explode until the device was airborne (...) This introduced problems in respect of a Frankfurt introduction, as such a device should have exploded over France. A hypothesis was developed that the altimeter had malfunctioned on the feeder flight, only to detonate after the second take-off. When the focus of the investigation switched to Malta and a third flight, this introduced a paradox that was not addressed for over a year, until the identification of this fragment as part of a countdown timer resolved the difficulty.

The MST-13 timer was said to be one of a special run of only 20 supplied exclusively to Libya by the Swiss firm MEBO. Megrahi had business dealings with that firm, but not relating to, or at the time of, the purchase of the timers. Nevertheless this was said to be the 'golden thread' linking him to the bomb. This item had extraordinarily irregular provenance within the forensic investigation, with paperwork anomalies leading many commentators to suspect its appearance in the chain of evidence had been back-dated. In addition, the Libyan provenance was less certain than claimed, with Lockerbie occurring over two years after the timers were supplied, and examples having been found in other parts of Africa.

Irrespective of who had bombed the plane, the countdown timer introduced another paradox. Maid of the Seas exploded only 38 minutes after her wheels left the tarmac, and the plane was not late. There was a seven-hour flight ahead of her, with a thousand miles of Atlantic ocean where incriminating clothes and PCB fragments could have been buried forever. An altimeter timer would inevitably have exploded around 40 minutes into the flight, regardless of take-off time. Using a countdown timer set so early in the flight time carried a huge risk that the explosion would have occurred harmlessly on the tarmac if the plane had missed its slot at Heathrow – as could easily have happened on a stormy winter evening.

It was only in February 2012 that metallurgical evidence concealed from the original trial was revealed, which showed that the fragment could not have been one of the 20 items MEBO had supplied to Libya. This discovery calls into question whether the PCB chip was even part of a countdown timer, rather than some other electronic component using the same basic template. 

[Another critique of the evidence against Megrahi can be read here.]

Thursday, 15 March 2012

James Robertson on Megrahi book (and Peter Fraser)

[What follows is a review of Megrahi: You are my Jury on the Amazon website by ‘Ken Fyne’ who (I am reliably informed) is none other than Scotland’s most distinguished living novelist, James Robertson:]

For those who have long had severe doubts, if not downright disbelief, about the way the Lockerbie investigation and trial were conducted, John Ashton's book provides all the detailed analysis of what went wrong that one could wish for. Just about all the relevant information is gathered here, so it is an excellent handbook for anyone interested in this tragic affair.

Of course the purpose of the book is to put Megrahi's side of the story, and some will find that difficult or even offensive. But what emerges - whether or not you believe that he is the victim of a miscarriage of justice - is such a damning critique of the Scottish justice system that it is surely inconceivable that the legal and political establishment can hold out much longer against disclosure of all the facts. It is certainly unacceptable if the report of the Scottish Criminal Cases Review Commission into why Megrahi may have had an unfair trial is not soon published in full: that report is now leaking like a sieve and there is no longer any sensible reason not to let us see all of it.

Personally I believe that Megrahi is innocent. I am willing to be persuaded otherwise but the original trial judgment certainly failed in every way to convince me of his guilt. John Ashton's book scores particularly highly in describing all the information that came to light AFTER the trial - including much evidence that appears to have been deliberately withheld from the defence team by the Crown and the police. The incredible interference and control of American intelligence agencies in the affair is also well documented.

This book rightly concentrates on why Megrahi's conviction was wrong, and does not dwell on the question of his compassionate release, which is a secondary matter. Whether Scotland opts for independence in the next few years or stays within the United Kingdom, its justice system has a terrible stain on it, and will continue to have unless and until a full inquiry into the whole sorry business brings the facts out of the shadows.

[James Robertson also has a letter published in today’s edition of The Herald.  It reads as follows:]

Is the Lord Fraser of Carmyllie who envisages a future scenario in which English aircraft "bomb the hell" out of Glasgow and Edinburgh airports by any chance the same Lord Fraser of Carmyllie who last year was appointed by Alex Salmond as an adviser to the Scottish Government on standards of ministerial conduct ("English 'would bomb our airports'", The Herald, March 13 & Letters, March 14)?
And could he be the same Lord Fraser of Carmyllie who as Lord Advocate drew up the indictment against Abdelbaset Ali Mohmed al Megrahi for the Lockerbie bombing, was satisfied by the verdict against Megrahi, yet subsequently described the Crown's key witness, without whose evidence Megrahi could not have been found guilty, as "not quite the full shilling" and "an apple short of a picnic"?
And can we take anything said by Lord Fraser of Carmyllie with any degree of seriousness?


[A letter from Tom Minogue in the 16 March edition of The Scotsman reads as follows:]

In a 2005 interview, Peter Lovat Fraser, Lord Fraser of Carmyllie, who as lord advocate set up the Lockerbie trial at Camp Zeiss in the Netherlands – which resulted in the conviction of Libyan Abdelbaset Ali Mohmed al-Megrahi – said that the key prosecution witness, Tony Gauci, was “not quite the full shilling”, and “an apple short of a picnic”.

As we now know (...) on the contents of the 821-page Scottish Criminal Cases Review Commission dossier, that Gauci received payment equivalent to £2 million, does it not raise questions about the former lord advocate’s judgment?

Surely if a man of modest means such as Mr Gauci can become a millionaire for giving evidence for a few days in a Scottish court case, he cannot be said to be anything other than very astute?

If he were to be the subject of analogy surely a more fitting example would be “as sharp as a tack”?

"Courage" is what's missing

[Just over two weeks ago I reproduced a post from uruisg’s Occasional Thoughts blog.  It contained the following paragraph:]

The mace in the Scottish Parliament is inscribed with the four words 'Wisdom, Justice, Compassion, Integrity'. Sadly none of these most worthy aspirations has been conspicuous in the Scottish Government's inaction over the Lockerbie problem.

[The blogger went on to say that the designer of the mace would have added a fifth word had space permitted but he did not tell us what that word would have been.  Uruisg has now broken his silence. Today he has posted as follows:]

It's `courage' of course! If the Scottish Parliament's mace had had room for a fifth word, alongside the worthy foursome of wisdom, justice, compassion and integrity, that's what designer Michael Lloyd would have gone for. (...)

As ever more doubt is cast on the conviction of `Lockerbie bomber' Abdulbaset al Megrahi, the Scottish Government's capacity for displaying wisdom, justice, compasion and integrity is (at the time of writing at least) completely nullified by the lack of courage to do something about it.

I for one would be proud to be a citizen of an independent Scotland that had shown the braveheart spirit needed to face up to and deal with this issue, but ashamed if we are to be a nation prepared to live with the stain. 

An overview of the Lockerbie case

[This is the headline over an article by Dr Morag Kerr, deputy secretary of the Justice for Megrahi campaign group, published in today’s edition of the Scottish Review.  This article sets out, in short compass but in stark detail, the flaws in the Crown case against Abdelbaset Megrahi. It demonstrates clearly not only that he was wrongly convicted but also that the Crown version of events is simply and irrefutably unsustainable and that the Crown’s conduct fell far short of what is required and expected of an honourable prosecutor. The article must be read in full. Dr Kerr’s conclusion is as follows:]

The weight of evidence that the Lockerbie bomb was introduced at Heathrow (...) is absolutely compelling. In contrast the evidence that the bomb transited from Malta through Frankfurt is beyond tenuous. In addition, no dispassionate examination of Tony Gauci's various and varied statements can possibly lead to the conclusion that Abdelbaset al-Megrahi bought the clothes in the bomb suitcase. Bearing in mind that Megrahi was verifiably in Tripoli at 4pm on 21st December 1988, the time John Bedford took his tea break, some might reasonably observe that he has an alibi. It was his misfortune to be at the other end of the blind alley the investigators pursued to Malta, looking just suspicious enough and with the right contacts to have a wholly inferential case constructed against him.

Crown's actions in Megrahi case face scrutiny

[This is the headline over an article in today’s edition of The Herald by Group Political Editor Brian Currie. It reads in part:]

The Crown Office's handling of the prosecution of the man convicted of the Lockerbie bombing is to be raised in the Scottish Parliament.
And the Inspectorate of Prosecution in Scotland has been asked to initiate inquiries into allegations the Crown failed to disclose substantive evidence to Abdelbaset Ali Mohmed al Megrahi's defence team.
Both moves were instigated by Christine Grahame, an SNP MSP and member of the Justice for Megrahi campaign.
She warned: "While there is a suspicion the Crown Office has not behaved with propriety, this cannot be good for the Scottish justice system."
Ms Grahame, who is convener of Holyrood's Justice Committee, said the Scottish Government did not have the power to institute a far-reaching public inquiry – which would require evidence from former prime ministers, the FBI and others.
But it could, under the 2005 Inquiries Act, hold one into matters which were wholly devolved and the Crown Office would be subject to that.
As revealed in The Herald this week, there is material within the Scottish Criminal Cases Review Commission (SCCRC) report into Megrahi's conviction for the atrocity, in which 270 people died, to suggest he may have suffered a miscarriage of justice on six different grounds.
Ms Grahame said yesterday: "The Scottish Government already has the power to inquire into the activities and the actions of the Crown Office -and the allegations that evidence that should have been disclosed was not disclosed." (…)
Tory justice spokesman David McLetchie said an appeal by Megrahi would "have the merit of allowing the case to be determined in a Scottish court of law". But he added if there was no such appeal then there had to be a judicial public inquiry. [RB: Now there’s a surprise: support for an inquiry from David McLetchie! I suppose it demonstrates that even Scottish Conservatives can feel which way the wind is blowing if there’s a strong enough gale.]
Labour justice spokesman Lewis Macdonald said: "What The Herald's investigation has exposed is that a number of questions remain unanswered. However, it is our view these matters are best settled in Scotland's court of law – not a public inquiry."
Patrick Harvie, of the Scottish Green Party, said: "There have long been doubts about Mr Megrahi's conviction and the best way to establish the truth is to hold a public inquiry."
A Scottish Government spokesman said Justice Secretary Kenny MacAskill had not seen the SCCRC report as "this would be inappropriate".
Mr MacAskill has written to UK Justice Secretary Kenneth Clarke asking for an exemption under data protection laws to allow the SCCRC document to be made public. But a spokesman for Mr Clarke said last night that any decision on disclosure was for the SCCRC. [RB: As a post on this blog earlier this week pointed out,  "Clarke – or any other member of the coalition – cannot give the Scottish Government an exception from the DPA, because no such power exists."]

[Christine Grahame has tabled a written question which reads as follows:]

Question S4W-06179: Christine Grahame, Midlothian South, Tweeddale and Lauderdale, Scottish National Party, Date Lodged: 15/03/2012
To ask the Scottish Executive, in light of recent allegations that the Crown Office did not act with propriety in the disclosure of evidence to the defence team in the case of Abdelbaset Ali Mohmed Al Megrahi, whether the Scottish Government (a) has the power under the Inquiries Act 2005 to establish an inquiry into the actions of the Crown Office and (b) can refer the matter to the Inspectorate of Prosecution in Scotland.

Current Status: Expected Answer date 29/03/2012



[At First Minister's questions today the following question was asked and answered:]

  • Christine Grahame (Midlothian South, Tweeddale and Lauderdale) (SNP): There have been allegations in the recent Megrahi biography and in the press regarding the Crown’s actions throughout the prosecution appeal process. Is it possible, through the Inquiries Act 2005, to instruct an independent examination of those allegations, and might that fall within the remit of the Inspectorate of Prosecution in Scotland?
  • The First Minister: The appropriate body for declaring guilt or innocence is, of course, a court of law, but I think that the recent media coverage indicates that it is absolutely imperative that the Scottish Criminal Cases Review Commission be given the powers that it needs to release the full statement of reasons in this case. I obviously welcome disclosure: we are trying to get disclosure of the full SCCRC report, which is imperative. I do not think that partial disclosure, especially when it is done selectively, is assisting the debate. I cannot see any possible reason for there being obstacles in the way of full disclosure and publication of the complete SCCRC report. I hope that the chamber will unite to ensure, as far as is possible within our powers, that that happens.